Since her license was revoked in August, Yang Bin, a former human rights lawyer in China, now spends most of her time maintaining her farm and fishpond.
Read more: https://bit.ly/39lI9yP
50歲女律師楊斌收到了廣東省司法廳的律師執照註銷通知書後,形容自己「光榮地成為無證律師」,要回歸田園做農夫。
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同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過9萬的網紅Shiney,也在其Youtube影片中提到,ซื้อเกมได้ที่ https://store.epicgames.com/legendauser/far-cry-5 Farcry 5 ไทย Part 2 Boomer - Rae Rae's Pumpkin Farm - ช่วยหมา - Boomer - Willis Huntl...
lawyer farm 在 Ohsusu Facebook 的最讚貼文
Hello Xin chào
Goodbye tạm biệt, thì thào Whisper
Lie nằm, Sleep ngủ, Dream mơ
Thấy cô gái đẹp See girl beautiful
I want tôi muốn, kiss hôn
Lip môi, Eyes mắt ... sướng rồi ... oh yeah!
Long dài, short ngắn, tall cao
Here đây, there đó, which nào, where đâu
Sentence có nghĩa là câu
Lesson bài học, rainbow cầu vồng
Husband là đức ông chồng
Daddy cha bố, please don"t xin đừng
Darling tiếng gọi em cưng
Merry vui thích, cái sừng là horn
Rách rồi xài đỡ chữ torn
To sing là hát, a song một bài
Nói sai sự thật to lie
Go đi, come đến, một vài là some
Đứng stand, look ngó, lie nằm
Five năm, four bốn, hold cầm, play chơi
One life là một cuộc đời
Happy sung sướng, laugh cười, cry kêu
Lover tạm dịch ngừơi yêu
Charming duyên dáng, mỹ miều graceful
Mặt trăng là chữ the moon
World là thế giới, sớm soon, lake hồ
Dao knife, spoon muỗng, cuốc hoe
Đêm night, dark tối, khổng lồ giant
Fund vui, die chết, near gần
Sorry xin lỗi, dull đần, wise khôn
Burry có nghĩa là chôn
Our souls tạm dịch linh hồn chúng ta
Xe hơi du lịch là car
Sir ngài, Lord đức, thưa bà Madam
Thousand là đúng...mười trăm
Ngày day, tuần week, year năm, hour giờ
Wait there đứng đó đợi chờ
Nightmare ác mộng, dream mơ, pray cầu
Trừ ra except, deep sâu
Daughter con gái, bridge cầu, pond ao
Enter tạm dịch đi vào
Thêm for tham dự lẽ nào lại sai
Shoulder cứ dịch là vai
Writer văn sĩ, cái đài radio
A bowl là một cái tô
Chữ tear nước mắt, tomb mồ, miss cô
Máy khâu dùng tạm chữ sew
Kẻ thù dịch đại là foe chẳng lầm
Shelter tạm dịch là hầm
Chữ shout là hét, nói thầm whisper
What time là hỏi mấy giờ
Clear trong, clean sạch, mờ mờ là dim
Gặp ông ta dịch see him
Swim bơi, wade lội, drown chìm chết trôi
Mountain là núi, hill đồi
Valley thung lũng, cây sồi oak tree
Tiền xin đóng học school fee
Yêu tôi dùng chữ love me chẳng lầm
To steal tạm dịch cầm nhầm
Tẩy chay boycott, gia cầm poultry
Cattle gia súc, ong bee
Something to eat chút gì để ăn
Lip môi, tongue lưỡi, teeth răng
Exam thi cử, cái bằng licence...
Lovely có nghĩa dễ thương
Pretty xinh đẹp thường thường so so
Lotto là chơi lô tô
Nấu ăn là cook , wash clothes giặt đồ
Push thì có nghĩa đẩy, xô
Marriage đám cưới, single độc thân
Foot thì có nghĩa bàn chân
Far là xa cách còn gần là near
Spoon có nghĩa cái thìa
Toán trừ subtract, toán chia divide
Dream thì có nghĩa giấc mơ
Month thì là tháng , thời giờ là time
Job thì có nghĩa việc làm
Lady phái nữ, phái nam gentleman
Close friend có nghĩa bạn thân
Leaf là chiếc lá, còn sun mặt trời
Fall down có nghĩa là rơi
Welcome chào đón, mời là invite
Short là ngắn, long là dài
Mũ thì là hat, chiếc hài là shoe
Autumn có nghĩa mùa thu
Summer mùa hạ , cái tù là jail
Duck là vịt , pig là heo
Rich là giàu có , còn nghèo là poor
Crab thi` có nghĩa con cua
Church nhà thờ đó , còn chùa temple
Aunt có nghĩa dì , cô
Chair là cái ghế, cái hồ là pool
Late là muộn , sớm là soon
Hospital bệnh viẹn , school là trường
Dew thì có nghĩa là sương
Happy vui vẻ, chán chường weary
Exam có nghĩa kỳ thi
Nervous nhút nhát, mommy mẹ hiền.
Region có nghĩa là miền,
Interupted gián đoạn còn liền next to.
Coins dùng chỉ những đồng xu,
Còn đồng tiền giấy paper money.
Here chỉ dùng để chỉ tại đây,
A moment một lát còn ngay ringht now,
Brothers-in-law đồng hao.
Farm-work đòng áng, đồng bào Fellow- countryman
Narrow- minded chỉ sự nhỏ nhen,
Open-hended hào phóng còn hèn là mean.
Vẫn còn dùng chữ still,
Kỹ năng là chữ skill khó gì!
Gold là vàng, graphite than chì.
Munia tên gọi chim ri
Kestrel chim cắt có gì khó đâu.
Migrant kite là chú diều hâu
Warbler chim chích, hải âu petrel
Stupid có nghĩa là khờ,
Đảo lên đảo xuống, stir nhiều nhiều.
How many có nghĩa bao nhiêu.
Too much nhiều quá , a few một vài
Right là đúng , wrong là sai
Chess là cờ tướng , đánh bài playing card
Flower có nghĩa là hoa
Hair là mái tóc, da là skin
Buổi sáng thì là morning
King là vua chúa, còn Queen nữ hoàng
Wander có nghĩa lang thang
Màu đỏ là red, màu vàng yellow
Yes là đúng, không là no
Fast là nhanh chóng, slow chậm rì
Sleep là ngủ, go là đi
Weakly ốm yếu healthy mạnh lành
White là trắng, green là xanh
Hard là chăm chỉ , học hành study
Ngọt là sweet, kẹo candy
Butterfly là bướm, bee là con ong
River có nghĩa dòng sông
Wait for có nghĩa ngóng trông đợi chờ
Dirty có nghĩa là dơ
Bánh mì bread, còn bơ butter
Bác sĩ thì là doctor
Y tá là nurse, teacher giáo viên
Mad dùng chỉ những kẻ điên,
Everywhere có nghĩa mọi miền gần xa.
A song chỉ một bài ca.
Ngôi sao dùng chữ star, có liền!
Firstly có nghĩa trước tiên
Silver là bạc , còn tiền money
Biscuit thì là bánh quy
Can là có thể, please vui lòng
Winter có nghĩa mùa đông
Iron là sắt còn đồng copper
Kẻ giết người là killer
Cảnh sát police , lawyer luật sư
Emigrate là di cư
Bưu điện post office, thư từ là mail
Follow có nghĩa đi theo
Shopping mua sắm còn sale bán hàng
Space có nghĩa không gian
Hàng trăm hundred, hàng ngàn thousand
Stupid có nghĩa ngu đần
Thông minh smart, equation phương trình
Television là truyền hình
Băng ghi âm là tape, chương trình program
Hear là nghe watch là xem
Electric là điện còn lamp bóng đèn
Praise có nghĩa ngợi khen
Crowd đông đúc, lấn chen hustle
Capital là thủ đô
City thành phố , local địa phương
Country có nghĩa quê hương
Field là đồng ruộng còn vườn garden
Chốc lát là chữ moment
Fish là con cá , chicken gà tơ
Naive có nghĩa ngây thơ
Poet thi sĩ , great writer văn hào
Tall thì có nghĩa là cao
Short là thấp ngắn, còn chào hello
Uncle là bác, elders cô.
Shy mắc cỡ, coarse là thô.
Come on có nghĩa mời vô,
Go away đuổi cút, còn vồ pounce.
Poem có nghĩa là thơ,
Strong khoẻ mạnh, mệt phờ dog- tiered.
Bầu trời thường gọi sky,
Life là sự sống còn die lìa đời
Shed tears có nghĩa lệ rơi
Fully là đủ, nửa vời by halves
Ở lại dùng chữ stay,
Bỏ đi là leave còn nằm là lie.
Tomorrow có nghĩa ngày mai
Hoa sen lotus, hoa lài jasmine
Madman có nghĩa người điên
Private có nghĩa là riêng của mình
Cảm giác là chữ feeling
Camera máy ảnh hình là photo
Động vật là animal
Big là to lớn , little nhỏ nhoi
Elephant là con voi
Goby cá bống, cá mòi sardine
Mỏng mảnh thì là chữ thin
Cổ là chữ neck, còn chin cái cằm
Visit có nghĩa viếng thăm
Lie down có nghĩa là nằm nghỉ ngơi
Mouse con chuột , bat con dơi
Separate có nghĩa tách rời , chia ra
Gift thì có nghĩa món quà
Guest thì là khách chủ nhà house owner
Bệnh ung thư là cancer
Lối ra exit, enter đi vào
Up lên còn xuống là down
Beside bên cạnh, about khoảng chừng
Stop có nghĩa là ngừng
Ocean là biển, rừng là jungle
Silly là kẻ dại khờ,
Khôn ngoan smart, đù đờ luggish
Hôn là kiss, kiss thật lâu.
Cửa sổ là chữ window
Special đặc biệt normal thường thôi
Lazy... làm biếng quá rồi
Ngồi mà viết tiếp một hồi die soon
Hứng thì cứ việc go on,
Còn không stop ta còn nghỉ ngơi!
Cằm CHIN có BEARD là râu
RAZOR dao cạo, HEAD đầu, da SKIN
THOUSAND thì gọi là nghìn
BILLION là tỷ, LOOK nhìn , rồi THEN
LOVE MONEY quý đồng tiền
Đầu tư INVEST, có quyền RIGHTFUL
WINDY RAIN STORM bão bùng
MID NIGHT bán dạ, anh hùng HERO
COME ON xin cứ nhào vô
NO FEAR hổng sợ, các cô LADIES
Con cò STORKE, FLY bay
Mây CLOUD, AT ở, BLUE SKY xanh trời
OH! MY GOD...! Ối! Trời ơi
MIND YOU. Lưu ý WORD lời nói say
HERE AND THERE, đó cùng đây
TRAVEL du lịch, FULL đầy, SMART khôn
Cô đõn ta dịch ALONE
Anh văn ENGLISH , nổi buồn SORROW
Muốn yêu là WANT TO LOVE
OLDMAN ông lão, bắt đầu BEGIN
EAT ăn, LEARN học, LOOK nhìn
EASY TO FORGET dễ quên
BECAUSE là bỡi ... cho nên , DUMP đần
VIETNAMESE , người nước Nam
NEED TO KNOW... biết nó cần lắm thay
SINCE từ, BEFORE trước, NOW nay
Đèn LAMP, sách BOOK, đêm NIGHT, SIT ngồi
SORRY thương xót, ME tôi
PLEASE DON"T LAUGH đừng cười, làm ơn
FAR Xa, NEAR gọi là gần
WEDDING lễ cưới, DIAMOND kim cương
SO CUTE là quá dễ thương
SHOPPING mua sắm, có sương FOGGY
SKINNY ốm nhách, FAT: phì
FIGHTING: chiến đấu, quá lỳ STUBBORN
COTTON ta dịch bông gòn
A WELL là giếng, đường mòn là TRAIL
POEM có nghĩa làm thơ,
POET Thi Sĩ nên mơ mộng nhiều.
ONEWAY nghĩa nó một chiều,
THE FIELD đồng ruộng, con diều là KITE.
Của tôi có nghĩa là MINE,
TO BITE là cắn, TO FIND kiếm tìm
TO CARVE xắt mỏng, HEART tim,
DRIER máy sấy, đắm chìm TO SINK.
FEELING cảm giác, nghĩ THINK
PRINT có nghĩa là in, DARK mờ
LETTER có nghĩa lá thơ,
TO LIVE là sống, đơn sơ SIMPLE.
CLOCK là cái đồng hồ,
CROWN vương niệm, mã mồ GRAVE.
KING vua, nói nhảm TO RAVE,
BRAVE can đảm, TO PAVE lát đường.
SCHOOL nghĩa nó là trường,
LOLLY là kẹo, còn đường SUGAR.
Station trạm GARE nhà ga
FISH SAUCE nước mắm, TOMATO là cá chua
EVEN huề, WIN thắng, LOSE thua
TURTLE là một con rùa
SHARK là cá mập, CRAB cua, CLAW càng
COMPLETE là được hoàn toàn
FISHING câu cá, DRILL khoan, PUNCTURE dùi
LEPER là một người cùi
CLINIC phòng mạch, sần sùi LUMPY
IN DANGER bị lâm nguy
Giải phầu nhỏ là SUGERY đúng rồi
NO MORE ta dịch là thôi
AGAIN làm nữa, bồi hồi FRETTY
Phô mai ta dịch là CHEESE
CAKE là bánh ngọt, còn mì NOODLE
ORANGE cam, táo APPLE
JACK-FRUIT trái mít, VEGETABLE là rau
CUSTARD-APPLE mãng cầu
PRUNE là trái táo tàu, SOUND âm
LOVELY có nghĩa dễ thương
PRETTY xinh đẹp, thường thường SO SO
LOTTO là chơi lô tô
Nấu ăn là COOK , WASH CLOTHES giặt đồ
PUSH thì có nghĩa đẩy, xô
MARRIAGE đám cưới, SINGLE độc thân
FOOT thì có nghĩa bàn chân
FAR là xa cách, còn gần là NEAR
SPOON có nghĩa cái thìa
Toán trừ SUBTRACT, toán chia DIVIDE
PLOUGH tức là đi cày
WEEK tuần MONTH tháng, WHAT TIME mấy giờ?
Đọc hết bài bạn đã nhớ được bao nhiêu từ nè 😋
Theo Giáo sư Ngô Bảo Châu
lawyer farm 在 初夏的東港之櫻 Facebook 的最佳貼文
那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)
【2016,這就是台灣人想要的總統!】
「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
(“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”)
上面那段話,是這幾天來,最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語,鏗鏘有力,也讓人無比動容...
2016,我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統,一股溫柔的力量,卻又充滿自信與霸氣,不慍不火、不卑不亢,而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國,用來在世界永續立足,最需要的態度。
朋友們告訴我,昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章,已經被下架了。對此,我真的感到非常遺憾。(更新消息:PTT貼文者並非原譯,因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書,特此致謝。)
對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿,也許不同立場的朋友,會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心,我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此,我在網路上找到備份文章,再一次(無修改)分享給我的朋友們,需要的,就幫忙再傳播出去吧!
德不孤必有鄰,一位擅長漫畫的朋友,也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風,彷彿原景重現,對我而言,那份感動,似乎又更深了一些...
有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──
而我,只能藉此臉書一角,向翻譯者、漫畫家,跟小英總統本人,獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝!
謝謝你們,讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────
民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面,標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家, She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後,最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。
中英譯全文:
雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張
目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事:壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先
內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎?
內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影
Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”
蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋,和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響,再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛(Jamie Oliver),但是她忍不住要說,烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場,距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠,而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我,用英文跟我說:「有機的!當然也是在地的。」
This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.
對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說,這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說,這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家,博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間(她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統),得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時,跟你辯論保護主義的人。
Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.
現在,身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者,蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知(註明:這是時代雜誌記者的見解),並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但,蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時(中國占台灣出口的百分之四十),蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌,以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說:「台灣需要一個新模式」。
Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”
台灣的選民是否同意她的願景,是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小,只有兩千三百萬的人口,但是經濟因電子業,農業以及觀光業的支,以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後,被日本殖民了半個世紀;之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中,台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是,台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示:「這場選舉很重要,因為它提供了一個窗口,讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣,世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」
Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.
台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說,台灣是一個逃走的省,也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時,可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權,由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨,抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候,北京雖然沒有指名道姓,卻明顯對她大肆抨擊,說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中,這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說:「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」
To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”
對美國來說,根據《台灣關係法》,在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下,須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國,儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民,特別是年輕人,對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高,而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》(Why Taiwan Matters)一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學(Davidson College)教授任雪麗(Shelley Rigger)說:「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化,反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽,而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」
The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”
國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人,但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱(67歲),如果獲黨的提名,將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文,呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示:「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而,民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂,在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說:「有些人認為我是一個保守的人,但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時,她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說:「我可是擁有博士學位的。」
Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.
蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大,這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師,後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想,希望蔡英文要用功讀書,但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說:「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」
After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.
在台灣大學畢業後,她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律,因為她說,這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後,她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士,並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說:「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣,先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府,出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。
Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.
就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為,蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物,特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨,在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成,由民主運動的老兵所成立,這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件,當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散,而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動,蔡英文當時正在國外求學,受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士,蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家:自我克制又精確到位。
She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.
在2008年民進黨失去政權,而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻,蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下,成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解,但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時,她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子,被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」
After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”
2010年,蔡英文參與市長選舉失利,在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示,當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念,做得不夠好;雖然擁有許多好點子,但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地,一直到敗選感言,蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示:「你可以哭泣,但不能洩氣。」
A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.
2012年之後的台灣,歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後,歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄,向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式,闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫:加強區域間的連結,並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運?」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。
Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.
台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天,台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒,反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟,讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為,服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿,在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院,運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。
The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”
這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來,簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定,馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述,他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有,反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中,有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍:「台灣只有一個,賣了就沒了!」
The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”
台灣社會對於生活品質的重視,而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標,對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣,雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民,但,現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創,在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在,國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道,「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員,也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說:「兩岸互動的利益,應該要與全民共享!」
Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”
蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難,例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人,而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而,民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結,因為台灣企業大量投資大陸,而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨,以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民,但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說:「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場,又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」
That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”
這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟,尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污,經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意,確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨,但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將(J. Michael Cole)說:「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象,認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」
It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持,並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉,或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心(Stimson Center)資深學者容安瀾(Alan Romberg)說:「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場,表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政,兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」
Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.
北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高,但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後,證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷,帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩,是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月,他對一個來自台灣的代表團說,中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一,然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案,而且民調也一再顯示,絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月,習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。
Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.
兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北(當時為國民黨執政)之間所謂的九二共識,這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識,雙方承認只有一個中國,但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說,這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展,而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。
The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”
民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」,而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同,卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下,越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別,但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說,蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說:「如果她勝選,她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」
Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”
蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係,但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢?她說:「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」
Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”
蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說,民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說:「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思?』,她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻:「在收割之前,要先耕地、播種、施肥;所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了,然而他們現在卻想要收割?」
Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”
蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天,我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐,蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰,展現出低調的自信。當時,她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東,她的出生地。「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei
─────────────────────
圖片:猜猜看,認出畫風了嗎?^^
(歡迎任何形式分享,一律免問)
lawyer farm 在 Shiney Youtube 的最讚貼文
ซื้อเกมได้ที่ https://store.epicgames.com/legendauser/far-cry-5
Farcry 5 ไทย Part 2 Boomer
- Rae Rae's Pumpkin Farm
- ช่วยหมา
- Boomer
- Willis Huntley
ฟาร์คราย 5 (อังกฤษ: Far Cry 5) เป็นวิดีโอเกมยิงมุมมองบุคคลที่หนึ่ง แอ็กชันผจญภัย พัฒนาโดยยูบิซอฟต์มอนทรีออล และจัดจำหน่ายโดยยูบิซอฟต์สำหรับเครื่องเพลย์สเตชัน 3 เพลย์สเตชัน 4 เอกซ์บอกซ์ 360 และเอกซ์บอกซ์ วัน และไมโครซอฟท์ วินโดวส์ เป็นเกมลำดับที่ห้าของเกมชุดฟาร์คราย เกมจะออกจำหน่ายในวันที่ 27 มีนาคม ค.ศ. 2018
The game is set in the fictional Hope County, Montana, where a preacher named Joseph Seed (portrayed by Greg Bryk) has risen to prominence. Seed believes that he has been chosen to protect the people of Hope County from an "inevitable collapse" and has established a congregation called Eden's Gate. Ostensibly, this is to fulfill his mission of leading the people to salvation; in reality, Seed is a radical preacher and Eden's Gate is a militaristic doomsday cult. Under his rule, Eden's Gate has used both coercion and violence to forcibly convert the residents of Hope County, and intimidation to keep them from contacting the outside world for help. When an attempt to arrest Seed ends with the deaths of several lawmen, the player is swept into the armed conflict between Eden's Gate and the remaining Hope County residents, who are organizing themselves into a resistance movement.
The player takes on the role of deputy , a sheriff's deputy who is part of the task force sent to Hope County to arrest Seed. Seed has assumed the title of "the Father" and maintains control over Hope County with the aid of his siblings, known as "the Heralds": Jacob, a former military officer who oversees their armed soldiers; John, a lawyer who has been able to acquire much of the land in Hope County for Eden's Gate; and Faith, who acts as a pacifist to bring the people to believe and trust in her older brother. The residents of Hope County opposed to Seed include a cast of characters who join the fight with motives ranging from altruism to revenge, profit and boredom
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